Sent in 1944 to one Noel Willmett, who had asked "whether totalitarianism, leader-worship etc. are really on the up-grade" given "that they are not apparently growing in [England] and the USA":
I must say I believe, or fear,
that taking the world as a whole these things are on the increase. Hitler, no
doubt, will soon disappear, but only at the expense of strengthening (a)
Stalin, (b) the Anglo-American millionaires and (c) all sorts of petty fuhrers
of the type of de Gaulle. All the national movements everywhere, even those
that originate in resistance to German domination, seem to take non-democratic forms,
to group themselves round some superhuman fuhrer (Hitler, Stalin, Salazar,
Franco, Gandhi, De Valera are all varying examples) and to adopt the theory
that the end justifies the means. Everywhere the world movement seems to be in
the direction of centralised economies which can be made to ‘work’ in an
economic sense but which are not democratically organised and which tend to
establish a caste system. With this go the horrors of emotional nationalism and
a tendency to disbelieve in the existence of objective truth because all the
facts have to fit in with the words and prophecies of some infallible fuhrer.
Already history has in a sense ceased to exist, ie. there is no such thing as a
history of our own times which could be universally accepted, and the exact
sciences are endangered as soon as military necessity ceases to keep people up
to the mark. Hitler can say that the Jews started the war, and if he survives
that will become official history. He can’t say that two and two are five,
because for the purposes of, say, ballistics they have to make four. But if the
sort of world that I am afraid of arrives, a world of two or three great
superstates which are unable to conquer one another, two and two could become
five if the fuhrer wished it. That, so far as I can see, is the direction in
which we are actually moving, though, of course, the process is reversible.
As to the comparative immunity of
Britain and the USA. Whatever the pacifists etc. may say, we have not gone
totalitarian yet and this is a very hopeful symptom. I believe very deeply, as
I explained in my book The Lion and the Unicorn, in the English people and in
their capacity to centralise their economy without destroying freedom in doing
so. But one must remember that Britain and the USA haven’t been really tried,
they haven’t known defeat or severe suffering, and there are some bad symptoms
to balance the good ones. To begin with there is the general indifference to
the decay of democracy. Do you realise, for instance, that no one in England under
26 now has a vote and that so far as one can see the great mass of people of
that age don’t give a damn for this? Secondly there is the fact that the
intellectuals are more totalitarian in outlook than the common people. On the
whole the English intelligentsia have opposed Hitler, but only at the price of
accepting Stalin. Most of them are perfectly ready for dictatorial methods,
secret police, systematic falsification of history etc. so long as they feel
that it is on ‘our’ side. Indeed the statement that we haven’t a Fascist
movement in England largely means that the young, at this moment, look for
their fuhrer elsewhere. One can’t be sure that that won’t change, nor can one
be sure that the common people won’t think ten years hence as the intellectuals
do now. I hope they won’t, I even trust they won’t, but if so it will be at the
cost of a struggle. If one simply proclaims that all is for the best and
doesn’t point to the sinister symptoms, one is merely helping to bring
totalitarianism nearer.
You also ask, if I think the
world tendency is towards Fascism, why do I support the war. It is a choice of
evils—I fancy nearly every war is that. I know enough of British imperialism
not to like it, but I would support it against Nazism or Japanese imperialism,
as the lesser evil. Similarly I would support the USSR against Germany because
I think the USSR cannot altogether escape its past and retains enough of the
original ideas of the Revolution to make it a more hopeful phenomenon than Nazi
Germany. I think, and have thought ever since the war began, in 1936 or
thereabouts, that our cause is the better, but we have to keep on making it the
better, which involves constant criticism.
Yours
sincerely,
Geo.
Orwell